Category: Regulatory

  • When Executive Order 14024 was issued by President Biden after the invasion of Ukraine by Russia, I noticed that more than a few authorities seemed very much like thiose in “activity-based’ or “conduct-based” sanctions programs – like the Election Interference and Cyber programs. I had always assumed it was a way of creating a “universe” of malign Russian government actions (although, to be fair, those programs’ designations are usually populated by state actors, whether from Iran, North Korea or otherwise), rather than a universe of actors performing the same bad acts, regardless of affiliation.

    So, I asked Gemini what it could find in online chatter:

    Online sources, legal analyses, and government statements indicate the Biden administration issued Executive Order (E.O.) 14024 (“Blocking Property with Respect to Specified Harmful Foreign Activities of the Government of the Russian Federation”) instead of modifying existing activity-based programs for several strategic, legal, and administrative reasons.1

    The core distinction is that E.O. 14024 creates a status-based authority (targeting actors based on who they are or where they operate), whereas the Election Interference (E.O. 13848) and Cyber (E.O. 13694/13757) programs are conduct-based (targeting actors based on what they did).

    Here is a breakdown of the specific reasons for this choice:

    1. Lower Burden of Proof (Status vs. Conduct)

    • Activity-Based Programs: To sanction someone under the Cyber or Election Interference E.O.s, the U.S. government must typically prove that a specific individual or entity engaged in, was complicit in, or materially supported a specific “bad act” (e.g., a specific hack or election influence campaign). Attribution in these areas can be technically difficult, slow, and classified.2
    • E.O. 14024: This order authorizes sanctions against persons simply for “operating in” specific sectors of the Russian economy (e.g., technology, defense, financial services).3 This allows the government to designate targets based on their presence in a high-risk sector without needing to publicly prove their direct involvement in a specific cyberattack or election scheme. This creates a much faster and more flexible designation process.

    2. Targeting the “Ecosystem” and Supply Chain

    • Broader Reach: Existing activity-based sanctions often target the “tip of the spear”—the hackers or operatives directly carrying out attacks. E.O. 14024 was designed to target the broader ecosystem that supports them.
    • Sectoral Authority: By authorizing sanctions on the Russian technology and defense sectors, the administration could target the companies that build the tools, provide the infrastructure, and fund the intelligence services that conduct these malign activities, even if those companies didn’t launch the attacks themselves.4

    3. Consolidation and Modernization

    • Unified Framework: Prior to E.O. 14024, responding to Russian aggression required a patchwork of authorities (some for Ukraine, some for Cyber, some for Election Interference, etc.). E.O. 14024 consolidated these into a single “Russian Harmful Foreign Activities” program.
    • Comprehensive “National Emergency”: The order declares a distinct national emergency focused specifically on the totality of the Russian government’s malign behavior.5 This allows for a more holistic response where a single designation can cite multiple types of bad conduct (e.g., a target involved in both cyber espionage and election interference) under one legal roof.6

    4. “Sword of Damocles” (Flexibility for Future Escalation)7

    • Scalability: E.O. 14024 was written with built-in flexibility. It allows the Secretary of the Treasury (in consultation with the Secretary of State) to identify new sectors of the Russian economy for sanctions at any time without the President needing to sign a new Executive Order.8
    • Deterrence: This structure serves as a standing threat that the U.S. can rapidly expand sanctions to other parts of the Russian economy (e.g., energy, mining, financial services) if Russian behavior continues or escalates.9

    5. Attribution to the State

    • Political Messaging: Activity-based sanctions like E.O. 13694 are global and country-agnostic—they apply to hackers in China, Iran, or North Korea equally. By issuing a Russia-specific order, the administration sent a diplomatic signal attributing these activities directly to the Government of the Russian Federation, framing them not as isolated crimes but as state-directed policy.10

    Footnotes for Executive Order 14024 Analysis

    1. Lower Burden of Proof (Status vs. Conduct)

    • Status-Based Authority: E.O. 14024 allows for the imposition of sanctions on individuals and entities determined to “operate or have operated in the technology sector or the defense and related materiel sector of the Russian Federation economy” (Section 1(a)(i)).1 This is a “status-based” authority, meaning designation is based on the target’s position within a sector rather than specific evidence of a malicious act.^1
    • Conduct-Based Limitations: In contrast, the Cyber Sanctions program (E.O. 13694, as amended) requires the government to determine that a person is “responsible for or complicit in” specific cyber-enabled activities that harm national security.^2 Similarly, the Election Interference program (E.O. 13848) requires a determination that a person has “directly or indirectly engaged in, sponsored, concealed, or otherwise been complicit in” foreign interference in a U.S. election.^3

    2. Targeting the “Ecosystem” and Supply Chain

    • Sectoral Targeting: The Biden administration stated that E.O. 14024 was designed to target the “ecosystem” supporting Russia’s malign activities. By designating the technology and defense sectors, the order enables the Treasury to sanction companies that procure technology or manufacture components for the Russian intelligence services, even if those companies do not execute the attacks themselves.^4
    • Supply Chain Disruption: Legal analysts note that this approach moves beyond the “tip of the spear” (the hackers) to the supply chain, allowing the U.S. to degrade the Russian government’s capabilities by cutting off access to western financial markets and technology for broad swaths of the Russian economy.^5

    3. Consolidation and Modernization

    • Unified Framework: Prior to E.O. 14024, sanctions authorities were fragmented across multiple emergency declarations (e.g., Ukraine-specific E.O. 13660, Cyber E.O. 13694, Election E.O. 13848). E.O. 14024 declares a new, comprehensive national emergency with respect to “specified harmful foreign activities of the Government of the Russian Federation,” creating a single legal chassis to address election interference, cyberattacks, transnational corruption, and extraterritorial activities.^6
    • Holistic Response: This consolidation allows OFAC to cite multiple bases for a single designation, simplifying the administrative record and strengthening the legal defense of the designation if challenged in court.^7

    4. “Sword of Damocles” (Flexibility for Future Escalation)2

    • Scalability: The order grants the Secretary of the Treasury, in consultation with the Secretary of State, the authority to expand sanctions to any sector of the Russian economy without a new presidential order.^8 This was explicitly designed to provide “flexibility” and leverage, allowing the administration to ratchet up pressure by targeting additional sectors (as it later did with financial services, energy, and others following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine).^93

    5. Attribution to the State

    • State-Directed Policy: The title of the order itself—”Blocking Property with Respect to Specified Harmful Foreign Activities of the Government of the Russian Federation“—is a deliberate diplomatic signal. Unlike the country-agnostic Cyber or Election orders, this order formally attributes these behaviors (SolarWinds, 2020 election interference) to the Russian state as a matter of U.S. policy.^10

    Source References:

    ^1 Executive Order 14024, Federal Register, Vol. 86, No. 73 (April 19, 2021).

    ^2 Executive Order 13694, “Blocking the Property of Certain Persons Engaging in Significant Malicious Cyber-Enabled Activities” (April 1, 2015).4

    ^3 Executive Order 13848, “Imposing Certain Sanctions in the Event of Foreign Interference in a United States Election” (September 12, 2018).5

    ^4 White House Fact Sheet, “Imposing Costs for Harmful Foreign Activities by the Russian Government” (April 15, 2021).

    ^5 See, e.g., Miller & Chevalier, “Trade Compliance Flash: New Executive Order Expands Sanctions Risk in Russia” (April 21, 2021).6

    ^6 Id.

    ^7 Congressional Research Service, “U.S. Sanctions on Russia: Legal Authorities and Related Actions” (Updated 2024).

    ^8 Executive Order 14024, Section 1(a)(i).7

    ^9 Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom LLP, “US Imposes Additional Round of Sanctions on Russia” (April 22, 2021).8

    ^10 Id.

  • Go read the guidance document for all the links and detail if you want to know more…

    Background

    Interest from UK businesses in operating within Syria has grown recently, prompting the UK government to clarify the legal and policy landscape. The government supports UK businesses investing and trading in Syria, provided they follow UK laws and the activity is actually destined for Syria. However, businesses must assess their own risks, particularly regarding bad actors who might try to exploit the situation or use deceptive tactics to bypass rules.

    The political situation in Syria has shifted significantly. Following the fall of the Assad regime in December 2024, the UK government removed many sanctions in April 2025 to aid recovery. Further steps toward normalization occurred in late 2025: the UK removed Hay’at Tahrir Al-Sham (HTS) from its list of banned terrorist organizations in October, and in November, the UK removed the Syrian President and Interior Minister from the specific ISIL/Al-Qaida sanctions list. While Syria remains a high-risk environment, the new government is working toward stability, and there are potential commercial opportunities in this lower middle-income market.

    What has (and hasn’t) changed

    Significant changes to the UK’s Syria sanctions rules took effect on April 24, 2025. To help the Syrian people rebuild, the UK lifted bans on trade, finance, aviation, and energy production. Financial freezes were also removed from entities previously controlled by the Assad regime, such as the Central Bank of Syria, government ministries, and energy or media companies. The current Government of Syria itself is not subject to sanctions.

    Despite these relaxations, strict prohibitions remain in place to hold specific individuals accountable. You still cannot do business with people or entities subject to asset freezes. There are also continued bans on exporting chemical and biological weapons technology, goods used for internal repression or spying, and military equipment. Specific trade restrictions apply to the “Governing Authority of Syria”—which includes the transitional authorities and the Central Bank—regarding gold, precious metals, and diamonds. Luxury goods also cannot be sent to Syria. If you are a specific type of regulated firm, you have a legal duty to report suspected sanctions breaches.

    UN counter-terrorism sanctions

    Separate from the UK’s own rules, the United Nations maintains a counter-terrorism sanctions list (the ISIL/Al-Qaida regime) that still affects business in Syria. While the UK has removed the Syrian President and Interior Minister from its version of this list, other individuals and groups remain designated. Notably, while the UK has de-listed HTS domestically, HTS remains on the UN sanctions list.

    The Government of Syria is not on this UN list, meaning interactions with the government generally do not violate these sanctions. However, strict asset freezes and bans on military goods apply to anyone who is on the UN list. This prohibits providing funds or economic resources to them directly or indirectly. Limited exceptions exist, primarily to allow for the payment of basic expenses, but these usually require a licence.

    Relevant UK counter-terrorism laws

    Under UK law, the Terrorism Act 2000 defines which organizations are “proscribed” (banned). As of October 2025, HTS is no longer a proscribed organization, meaning membership or support for it is no longer a criminal offense in the UK. However, the group Da’esh (ISIL/ISIS) remains banned and poses a threat.

    The government aims to ensure that counter-terrorism laws do not stop legitimate humanitarian work. The Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) has guidance stating that prosecuting genuine aid organizations is generally not in the public interest. Additionally, the law offers specific protections: there is a legal defense for “genuinely benign” meetings with banned groups (such as for delivering aid), and organizations can apply to the National Crime Agency for a defense against potential terrorist financing charges for specific transactions.

    Humanitarian exceptions and exemptions

    Petroleum exceptions

    The regulations include a specific rule allowing the use of funds to purchase or supply petroleum products for humanitarian purposes. Since the general ban on petroleum trade was lifted in April 2025, this rule now primarily protects aid organizations if they need to deal with frozen assets to get fuel. If an organization relied on this rule for activities before April 2025, they must notify the government by the end of the year. For activities after April 2025, notification is only needed if the activity would otherwise breach an asset freeze.

    General licence

    In February 2025, a “General Licence” was issued to facilitate aid. This allows eligible aid organizations (and the banks that serve them) to carry out activities necessary for humanitarian assistance and basic human needs without violating asset freezes. This licence applies to the UK’s independent sanctions but not to the UN sanctions, which have their own separate humanitarian exemption.

    Related guidance documents

    Businesses and organizations should consult the specific statutory guidance for both the Syria and ISIL/Al-Qaida sanctions regimes to understand the full technical details of prohibitions and licences. A “sanctions hub” on the government website creates a central place to search for all relevant policies.

    In addition to sanctions and terrorism laws, other legal frameworks still apply. You must comply with export controls for military and dual-use goods, anti-money laundering regulations, and laws against bribery and corruption. If you are unsure whether your planned activities might break the law—especially given the complexity of the different legal regimes—you should seek independent legal advice.

    So, what do you think of this summary? Is it “enough” for you, or are you better served by the guidance document, for a first read?

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  • The following is a summarized version of the original press release from the Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO):

    The UK government changed Syria sanctions to help the country rebuild following the fall of the Assad regime.

    Here is a simple breakdown of what happened and why:

    What changed?

    • Easing Restrictions: The UK removed bans on key industries like bankingand energy production. This was done to encourage investment and help get Syria’s infrastructure working again.
    • Lifting Sanctions: Specific sanctions have been dropped against 12 major entities, including the Syrian Ministry of Defence, the Ministry of Interior, and various media companies. This followed the earlier unfreezing of assets for the Central Bank of Syria and the national airline.

    Why did they do this?

    • To Help Rebuild: The main goal is to let money flow back into the country so the Syrian people can repair their economy and infrastructure after years of conflict.
    • To Support Stability: The UK believes a stable Syria is safer for the region and for the UK itself.

    What is staying the same?

    • Punishing the Old Regime: Sanctions remain in place against individuals from the former Assad regime and those involved in the illegal drug trade (specifically the synthetic stimulant captagon).
    • Accountability: The new rules still allow the UK to punish human rights violations committed by Assad and his associates.

    Additional Support

    • The UK pledged £160 million in 2025 to help with Syria’s recovery and humanitarian needs.
    ,